How money gets from a treasury to a tent
Click any box to trace its paths. Click it again to release. Governments appear twice on the left because a single treasury typically funds several routes at once and each is accounted for differently.
What the four routes mean in practice
The route a dollar takes decides who chooses how it is spent, how fast it moves, how visible it is in public records, and how easily it can be switched off.
The gap between asked and given
The humanitarian community issued a flash appeal for the occupied Palestinian territory covering escalation of hostilities. This is what it requested against what was recorded as funded.
Reporting to the tracking service lags, sometimes by a lot, so treat the funded figure as a floor rather than a settled total. The direction is not in doubt; the precise coverage percentage is.
Which organisations the recorded money reached
This is the delivery end of the system, and it is documented. Nineteen organisations recorded humanitarian funding for the territory in 2025. UNRWA alone took more than a quarter of it.
UNRWA's books, the one open ledger
The agency carrying most of the load publishes its funding position openly, which makes it the clearest window onto Palestine financing that exists at this vintage.
The agency had requested 880 million dollars for its core programme budget and 2.16 billion for humanitarian operations, of which 1.7 billion was for the occupied Palestinian territory and 464 million for Jordan, Lebanon and Syria. Two major donors ended contributions during the year. Around twelve per cent of income came from private and individual giving rather than governments, which is unusually high for a UN agency and is the reason the private route appears on the map at all.
What the money buys
Reported delivery inside Gaza during 2025 and early 2026, at the scale the agencies themselves record it.
If the appeal were split by capacity
Since who actually paid is not published, here is the next most useful question that can be answered with data that does exist. Take the four billion dollar appeal and divide it among the forty-three governments that report their aid to the OECD, in proportion to national income. This is not a forecast and nobody has agreed to it. It is a yardstick: the share each country would carry if the burden followed the money.
The capacity table
Income per person is the ratio you asked for, in the closest form the source data supports. See the Method tab for why this is national income rather than government revenue.
The central limitation
This page cannot tell you which country gave how much to Palestine in 2025, because nobody publishes that in a retrievable form yet. Two separate systems each hold half the answer and neither releases it.
- The OECD collects recipient-level detail from every reporting government, but publishes it roughly twenty months after the year ends. The 2025 breakdown arrives in December 2026.
- OCHA's Financial Tracking Service holds a live donor-by-donor record for the territory, but exposes it through an interactive chart rather than as readable data.
Three files would close the gap. UNRWA's per-donor pledge table, published as a PDF that blocks automated retrieval but downloads normally in a browser. OCHA's tracking service data pulled through its interface rather than its website. And the OECD creditor reporting system extract for the West Bank and Gaza Strip, which is downloadable for years through 2024.
Sources
| Field | Source | Vintage |
|---|---|---|
| Appeal requirement, recorded funding, receiving organisations | UN OCHA Financial Tracking Service, occupied Palestinian territory country page | 2025 full year |
| 2026 appeal size and population reached | UN OCHA | Launched 2026 |
| UNRWA income, requirements, donor structure | UNRWA published funding statements; UN General Assembly document A/80/340 | 2025 full year |
| Delivery volumes inside Gaza | UNRWA situation reports; EUAA country of origin query response, April 2026 | 2025 and Q1 2026 |
| Donor national income, population, aid budgets | OECD, Preliminary official development assistance levels in 2025, DCD(2026)8 | Released 9 April 2026 |
Calculations
National income
The OECD publishes total aid and aid as a share of national income but not income itself. Dividing one by the other recovers it exactly, so the denominator here is the OECD's own.
Implied share of the appeal
Capacity switches between national income, population and existing aid budgets. The third is included because it produces a different and arguably fairer answer: it asks who is already in the business of giving rather than who is merely rich.
On the ratio you asked for
The request was total revenue against internal population. What appears here is national income per person, not government revenue per person, and the difference matters.
National income is everything a country's residents and companies earn in a year. Government revenue is only the slice the state collects in taxes and other receipts, and it is the slice aid actually comes out of. Two countries with identical national income but tax takes of twenty-five and fifty per cent have very different room to give.
Government revenue is not used here because it would come from a different source at a different vintage with definitions that vary by country, particularly for federations where provincial and state revenue may or may not be included. Canada and the United States both look materially different depending on that choice. National income is derived exactly from the same release as everything else on this page, so it introduces no second source and no reconciliation error. It is the more conservative choice, and it understates the differences between high-tax and low-tax countries.
Disclaimers
The route map is not a flow diagram
Link widths are uniform and carry no meaning. The map shows structure, which is verifiable, and deliberately declines to imply volume, which is not.
Recorded is not the same as received
The tracking service records what donors and agencies report to it, when they report it. Coverage percentages against appeals should be read as floors.
Humanitarian is not all aid
The appeal figures cover emergency humanitarian response. Development finance, budget support to Palestinian institutions and reconstruction money sit outside them and are counted elsewhere.
The implied share is a yardstick, not an obligation
No government has agreed to fund appeals in proportion to national income. The calculation exists to give the missing donor column something to be compared against once it arrives.
Population estimates
Donor population is hand-entered from standard mid-2025 estimates and is the least precise field here. Treat per-person figures as accurate to roughly two per cent.
Synthesis
- The delivery side of Palestine aid is unusually well documented and the funding side is unusually opaque. That asymmetry is structural, not accidental: agencies report what they spend because their mandates require it, while donors report to the OECD on a schedule built for annual statistics rather than for live crises.
- The private and individual route matters more here than almost anywhere else. Roughly twelve per cent of UNRWA's income came from people rather than states, which is why switching off a government does not switch off the agency, only shrinks it.
- The gap between requested and recorded is large enough that arguments about the precise coverage percentage are beside the point. On any reading, most of what was asked for did not arrive.